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Europaudvalget 2002-03
EUU Alm.del INFO-note I 258
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Europaudvalget

(Info-note I 258)

(Offentligt)

Folketingets Europaudvalg

Christiansborg, den 21. maj 2003

Til

udvalgets medlemmer og stedfortrædere

Rapport af Pat Cox, formand for

Europa-Parlamentet,

om de nationale parlamenter i et udvidet EU

Vedlagt fordeles til medlemmernes orientering en rapport af 8. maj 2003 udar-

bejdet af Pat Cox, formand for Europa-Parlamentet, med titlen ”European Par-

liaments in an enlarged Europe: The political and Institutional Dimension”.

Rapporten er udarbejdet til brug ved konferencen for Parlamentsformænd i

Athen den 23.–24. maj 2003.

Med venlig hilsen

Christian Dubois

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Brussels, 8 May 2003

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENTS

IN AN ENLARGED EUROPE:

THE POLITICAL AND INSTITUTIONAL DIMENSION

Report by Mr Pat COX,

President of the European Parliament

For the Conference of the Presidents of the

Parliaments

of the European Union

(Athens, 22-24 May 2003)

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CONTENTS

I. INTRODUCTION

page

II. AN ENLARGED EUROPE: WHAT ROLE CAN

PARLIAMENTS PLAY IN THE SYSTEM OF

EUROPEAN GOVERNANCE?

III. A POSSIBILITY TO UPGRADE AND BETTER

STRUCTURE COOPERATION BETWEEN THE

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENTS AND THE

NATIONAL PARLIAMENTS

IV. AN ENLARGED EUROPE: WHAT ROLE CAN

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENTS PLAY IN THE

SYSTEM OF WORLD GOVERNANCE?

V. CONCLUSION

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INTRODUCTION

Our meeting in Athens is particularly significant, because it will consider

two issues of vital importance to our institutions: their role in the Con-

vention which is now laying the constitutional foundations for the Europe

of tomorrow, and their political and institutional role in the enlarged

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Europe which will come into being in less than one year’s time.

The last few weeks have seen a number of major events: on 9 April the Euro-

pean Parliament gave its consent, by a very large majority, to the Acces-

sion Treaty for the 10 new Member States, clearing the way for the formal

signing of that Treaty in Athens on 16 April and sending out a strong sig-

nal reaffirming our commitment to the reunification of Europe. In that con-

text, as from 1 May representatives of the countries joining the Union have

taken up their duties as observers in the European Parliament with a view

to gaining an insight into its

modus operandi.

At the end of last month, in Brussels, I met the Presidents of parliaments

of the applicant countries, a meeting which underlined that, for the first

time in its history, Europe has an opportunity to build a political order

without being compelled to do so by force or an external threat. It can do

so by drawing its strength, its resources, its creativity and its dynamism

from its internal balance and from the diversity of its peoples and na-

tions.

Against that background, I believe we all feel that the European integra-

tion process has reached a decisive turning point. After more than one year

of debate in the Convention on the Future of Europe, we are approaching the

final stages of a

‘constitutional’

recasting of the European Union intended

to enable us to modernise our joint institutions, with a view to making

them more effective, to bring Europe closer to its citizens, and to inte-

grate the applicant countries successfully into the Union.

At the end of the day, public opinion will pass judgement on the outcome of

the Convention. Our citizens are scarcely bothered with institutional the-

ory. The mechanisms for decision-making, the nomination procedures, the

institutions and their interplay fail to excite. Citizens will judge the

final report of this Convention on the basis of very simple questions.

Will it work? Will it improve our capacity to deliver? Will it promote

prosperity? Will it enhance security? Will it increase our influence in

the world? Is it efficient? Is it comprehensible? And, above all, as a

Parliamentarian, I am sure citizens will ask: Does it place democracy, le-

gitimacy and transparency at the heart of the European construct?

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II.

AN ENLARGED EUROPE: WHAT ROLE CAN PARLIAMENTS PLAY IN THE SYSTEM

OF EUROPEAN GOVERNANCE?

Views and judgements differ on the future of the European project. However,

to my mind there is one aim which we all share, that of strengthening the

‘parliamentarianism’

of political life in the European Union as a vital con-

tribution to the democratic legitimacy of our joint project.

I am also convinced that we all recognise the crucial roles both national

parliaments and the European Parliament have in monitoring governments and

EU institutions respectively. This complementarity is very useful, because

the right cooperation on our part could lead to elimination of the democ-

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ratic deficit. Together we represent an unbroken chain of democratic scru-

tiny and accountability.

Obviously, it is up to each Member State to organise relations between its

government and parliament. What works in Athens may not work in Dublin;

what works in Warsaw may not work in Tallinn, etc, but an increased ex-

change of best practice between parliamentarians may be useful, and I ap-

plaud the efforts made by the COSAC in this respect, as well as work done

by the Convention - which by the way in itself was initiated by the Euro-

pean Parliament as an important means of enhancing parliamentarism.

No new institutions are needed to enhance the role of parliaments and im-

prove democratic scrutiny. We must build on existing structures and

strengthen our cooperation, inter alia through rapid and reciprocal infor-

mation exchange, better joint planning and best practice.

There are also a few policy areas to which we could usefully devote more of

our attention in the future. Let me make a few suggestions as to ways of

strengthening the democratic scrutiny of Union policy in the following spe-

cific areas.

In what areas can cooperation between the national parliaments and the

European Parliament as regards the democratic scrutiny of European policy

be strengthened?

Scrutiny of implementation of the Community budget is vital if

compliance with the principle of responsibility vis-à-vis the public is to

be guaranteed in the European Union.

More than 80% of Union budget expenditure

–

expenditure earmarked to fi-

nance the Common Agricultural Policy and the Structural Funds

–

is in fact

administered by the national and regional authorities of the Member States.

If these policies are implemented by means of a partnership between the

Commission and the Member States, the European Parliament and the national

parliaments should work together closely to strengthen democratic scrutiny

of the transparent and effective use of Community budget resources and the

fight against fraud and practices damaging to the financial interests of

the European Communities.

The decentralised implementation of the Union budget which is now being ad-

vocated should go hand in hand with a strengthening of the procedures for

cooperation between the EP’s Committee on Budgetary Control and its counter-

•

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part committees in the national parliaments

–

a genuine qualitative step

forward.

•

European Security and Defence is another area where co-operation

could be stepped up to the mutual benefit of all parties. Security and de-

fence issues will in all likelihood continue to be basically intergovern-

mental affairs, but combined with certain competencies for the community.

We could all benefit from being better informed about each others' thinking

in this area, which has evolved significantly over the last decade or two,

with a new concept of "security". This trend can be expected to continue in

the foreseeable future.

The public must be at the heart of the debate on the development of an area

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of internal justice and security in Europe.

By placing greater emphasis on fundamental rights and laying down an objec-

tive designed to act as a catalyst for the decision-making process (estab-

lishment of an area of freedom, security and justice), the Treaty of Am-

sterdam also pointed the way towards more structured cooperation between

the European Parliament and the national parliaments as regards democratic

scrutiny of the implementation of that policy.

In that connection, the Protocol to the Treaty of Amsterdam on the national

parliaments stipulates that a minimum of six weeks must elapse between the

submission of a proposal in all the languages and its inclusion, for adop-

tion, on a Council agenda.

In addition, as a result of the pressure exerted by some national parlia-

ments, in its new Rules of Procedure the Council of Ministers has made a

move towards greater openness vis-à-vis those parliaments. The Council

Presidency

‘will

endeavour to ensure that, in principle, the provisional

agenda for each meeting of the JHA (Justice and Home Affairs) Council and

any documents relating to the items involved reach members of the Council

at least 21 days before the beginning of the meeting’.

This provision should ensure that the national parliaments are properly in-

formed, not only about the basic proposal (which is often overtaken by the

negotiations), but also about the definitive texts put to the vote.

Ensuring that this Council undertaking is honoured is an objective shared

by the national parliaments and the European Parliament, in an area that is

partly intergovernmental and partly a community competence. It should en-

able us to reduce the

‘democratic

deficit’ which is all the more serious in

a field fundamental to the protection of citizens’ rights and to the fight

against terrorism, illegal immigration and organised crime.

A final, very significant example of an area, which is not subject to ade-

quate democratic scrutiny is that of Economic and Monetary Union.

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The Treaty on European Union lays down specific rules governing dialogue

between the European Central Bank and the European Parliament with a view

to the democratic scrutiny of Union monetary policy. The European Parlia-

ment therefore holds regular hearings with the European Central Bank and

monetary policy debates in which all its Members, and not only those from

countries which have introduced the single currency, take part and vote.

The European Parliament also has a duty to scrutinise the far-reaching eco-

nomic management powers which the Treaty grants to the Council of Finance

Ministers.

The Treaty provisions are, however, much less clear when it comes to scru-

tiny of the coordination of economic policies.

The EU would benefit from a regular and real dialogue on economic policy

guidelines, with involvement by all institutions. Such arrangements would

also offer broad scope for deepened co-operation with national parliaments.

Input from national parliaments would be essential to inform the European

Parliament's position.

III

A POSSIBILITY TO UPGRADE AND BETTER STRUCTURE COOPERATION BE-

TWEEN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND THE NATIONAL PARLIAMENTS

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Cooperation between the national parliaments and the European Parliament

has developed quite naturally since the entry into force of the Treaty of

Amsterdam. Meetings between European Parliament committees and their coun-

terpart committees from the national parliaments of the Member States have

increased fourfold, rising from 10 in 1998 to 40 in 2001 and a similar num-

ber in 2002.

Although this cooperation has been welcomed in overall terms, many national

parliaments find that the format of these meetings could usefully be re-

vised in certain respects with a view to increasing their effectiveness.

The need for more effective coordination and joint scheduling of meetings,

the identification of more specific discussion topics linked to the legis-

lative programme, and arrangements whereby other institutions can take ac-

count of conclusions drawn up at the end of a meeting, are all areas where

progress could be made to improve the quality of our cooperation. Perhaps

we could also seek to ensure better facilities for exchanges between na-

tional parliaments and the European Parliament at political group level.

Should we continue to build our cooperation on a practical, pragmatic ba-

sis? Or would it be helpful to have a guideline setting certain objectives

for this cooperation in some areas? Any guideline should serve a useful

purpose, not be a binding, heavy-handed straitjacket for our relations,

which are inevitably evolving, but indicate a useful means of deepening our

relations. Such a guideline could cover the cooperation between our par-

liamentary committees, indicating certain subjects, which could be of a

priority nature. It could pave the way for a more systematic exchange of

information and documentation. It could secure access to each other's li-

braries and information centres. It could, in particular, cover relations

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between our respective administrations in the area of interparliamentary

cooperation.

Our Constitutional Affairs Committee has put forward some suggestions in

the form of a draft interparliamentary cooperation agreement. I know that

the general idea was welcomed at the COSAC plenary meeting in Brussels on

27 January of this year.

It might be appropriate for this Conference of Speakers to ask a small

group of our Parliaments to work on a possible code or agreement covering

these areas of practical cooperation, which could be submitted to our Par-

liaments for agreement in the near future.

IV.

AN ENLARGED EUROPE: WHAT ROLE CAN EUROPEAN PARLIAMENTS PLAY IN

THE SYSTEM OF WORLD GOVERNANCE?

Let me first of all emphasise an idea

tion process: membership of the Union

some aspects of national sovereignty.

preservation of national identity and

ject.

fundamental to the European integra-

necessarily implies the transfer of

There is no contradiction between the

the implementation of a joint pro-

The Community method has proved its worth, providing a means of developing

‘European

project’, whilst safeguarding the diversity of States, peoples

and cultures.

The key to the success of that model has been the willingness to pool sov-

ereignty with a view to exerting political influence in a more effective

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way and resolvingindividual Member the implications of which extend beyond

the frontiers of shared problems, States.

Such shared sovereignty is reflected in new responsibilities for the na-

tional parliaments in terms of the exercise of democratic scrutiny and an

additional area for cooperation between the national parliaments and the

European Parliament. I should like our discussions to embrace this aspect

of the enlargement process.

Another urgent topic is how the parliaments of the Union can work actively

to bring about globalisation with a human face.

Trade issues are too important to leave to government negotiators alone.

Demonstrations and critical voices in recent years show that not enough has

been done to respond to people's anxieties. We need a thorough discussion

in the public domain. There is a gap between what goes on at WTO level and

the wider public. That is why active involvement of parliamentarians is

crucial. The debate needs to be repossessed by parliamentarians and held in

public. Parliamentarians could help spread understanding of the trade

agenda and its implications and increase the legitimacy of the interna-

tional trading system.

In the long run, political systems function best when they are open and

transparent, and politics are carried out under the public eye, encouraging

the widest possible participation by people involved in policy-making and

its implementation. When forming policies at a global level, the task of

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connecting with the people is particularly challenging, but no less impor-

tant.

Nowadays, trade is about much more than exports and imports. It is about

development, food safety, consumer protection, the environment and economic

and social policies. People are affected by these issues in their daily

lives, which makes it even more crucial to associate parliamentarians.

In February last, the European Parliament organised a conference, together

with the IPU, on the parliamentary dimension of the WTO in Geneva. I know

that several parliamentarians from current and future EU Member States took

part in that conference. The next opportunity to make further progress will

be at Cancùn in Mexico on 9 September this year. I hope many parliamentari-

ans will engage in this meeting, which will take place just before the min-

isterial conference begins.

The United States' delegation normally includes a substantial contingent of

legislators. We in Europe should endeavour to match our most important

trading partner by engaging parliamentarians to an equivalent degree.

In view of the importance of these matters for the daily lives of our citi-

zens, for our economies and for our global partners, I feel we need to co-

operate more closely in setting priorities in the external arena.

I urge you, therefore, to include this issue on the agenda for our discus-

sions, with a view to encouraging an exchange of views on best practice in

this area and preparing institutional proposals.

The parliamentary dimension will also play an increased role in the Euro-

Mediterranean partnership (conversion of the current Forum into a parlia-

mentary assembly), the Stability Pact for the Balkans and the parliamentary

institutions of regional groupings, such as the Parliamentary Assembly for

Black Sea Economic Cooperation (PABSEC) and the Parliamentary Assembly of

the Commonwealth of Independent States.

By fostering the development of a parliamentary dimension to the regional

integration processes under way in the Balkans and the Mediterranean, our

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parliaments will also contribute to the successfulhelping to reduce the

countries/regions into the world economy, thereby integration of these

poverty gap, and, ultimately, supporting a globalisation process based on

solidarity and open to all.

The forthcoming enlargement will raise the profile of, and increase the in-

fluence exerted by, the European Union

–

and, hence, the

‘

parliamentary com-

ponent

’ –

in multilateral and regional international organisations. This

calls for greater efforts on the part of the national parliaments and the

European Parliament, in order to provide parliamentary representation com-

mensurate with the Union

’

s international role.

I do not suggest that we should act as a bloc. I do however believe that

all sides could benefit from increased coordination and regular investiga-

tion of whether there is a basis for enhanced co-operation on a case to

case basis.

As regards multilateral parliamentary assemblies, the parliaments of the

Union

–

national parliaments and the European Parliament

–

will be able to

exert greater influence in:

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•

the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe

–

25 countries

out of a total of 43 will be EU Member States;

the Interparliamentary Union (IPU)

the

‘Group

of Twelve Plus’

(which brings together the national parlia-

ments of the Council of Europe, plus New Zealand, Canada, the United

States and Australia);

the possible future parliamentary institutions of the WTO (World

Trade Organisation) and UNCTAD (United Nations Conference on Trade

and Development).

•

CONCLUSION

The quality of relations between national parliaments and the European Par-

liament is of importance for the democratic life of the Union as a whole.

We have our distinctive roles, but there are overlapping interests and

gains to be made from enhanced co-operation. Together we can strengthen the

democratic scrutiny, increase transparency and close the gap between the EU

and its citizens.

A year has elapsed since the last time we met as a group. In that time con-

siderable progress has been made in increasing the effectiveness of our co-

operation within the current institutional framework, i.e. through COSAC.

In this respect I would like to pay tribute to the Danish and the Greek

Presidencies, which successfully have brought to closure a number of sig-

nificant reform proposals, notably the new rules of procedure and the deci-

sion to set up a COSAC secretariat. I welcome these decisions and can re-

confirm that the European Parliament would be ready to host this secre-

tariat on its premises, if the national parliaments should find such a so-

lution helpful.

This report contains a few practical proposals concerning ways to

strengthen our cooperation on democratic scrutiny of European as well as

world governance. I hope they will provoke some discussion on how we might

move forward together.

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(Løbenr. 20349)